asean way meaning

[34] Chretien believed this approach would most effectively support movement in Cuba towards a peaceful transition towards respect for representative government, human rights, a more open economy, and eventual reintegration into the Western Hemisphere. Some experts see this approach to decision-making as a chief drawback for the organization. [14] Helen James, “Myanmar’s International Relations Strategy: The Search for Security,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 26.3 (2004): 533. Burma’s most powerful neighbors, India and China, have engaged extensively with Burma economically. Non-interference is also employed to deflect external pressure from the U.S., EU, and United Nations. [60] Quoted in Haacke, ASEAN’s Diplomatic and Security Culture, 179. [12] Throughout her imprisonment, foreign dignitaries like UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, visited Suu Kyi multiple times to show their support for her run for presidency and commitment to democratic processes. The practical implementation of constructive engagement is both political and economic. The Evolution of the ASEAN Way The fundamental characteristics of the ASEAN Way, as defined in its main principles, are consensus-based decision–making and non-interference in the internal affairs of member countries (Heller, 2005). The surest and quickest way to ruin is for ASEAN countries to begin commenting on how each of us deals with these sensitive issues”.[60]. [39] Ramacharan, “ASEAN and Non-interference,” 66. The documents that laid the underpinnings of the ASEAN Way were the ASEAN Declaration, ZOPFAN, and TAC. [59] Negative criticism, for example, made by Singapore on the affirmative action policies in Malaysia, may increase Chinese anxiety in Singapore as well as increase the anti-Chinese sentiments in Malaysia. [6] Shaun Narine, “Forty Years of ASEAN: A Historical Review,” The Pacific Review 21.4 (2008): 418. [62] ASEAN actively engaged Burma’s military junta, seeking stronger economic and political relations. [31] Lee Jones, “ASEAN’s Albatross: ASEAN’s Burma Policy, from Constructive Engagement to Critical Disengagement,” Asian Security 4.3 (Sep. 2008): 273. Nevertheless, ASEAN’s adjustment in its approach toward Burma from “non-interference” to “flexible engagement” was the result of international pressure. [1] Founded in 1967, ASEAN has grown in both membership and importance in the Southeast Asia region and internationally. The organization’s incremental approach, informal consultative mechanisms, and stringent interpretation of non-interference were more conducive to a lower-profile political emphasis. These semi-authoritarian or disciplined democracies curtailed normal liberal democratic freedoms for their respective citizens. ASEAN; (/ ˈ ɑː s i ɑː n / AH-see-ahn, / ˈ ɑː z i ɑː n / AH-zee-ahn) officially the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, is an economic union comprising 10 member states in Southeast Asia, which promotes intergovernmental cooperation and facilitates economic, political, security, military, educational, and sociocultural integration among its members and other countries in Asia. The “ASEAN Way” — a term used to describe the organization’s system of cooperation — has facilitated trust amongst disparate states by avoiding confrontation while promoting consensus and engagement. 19, 1998, accessed May 12, 2013, A23. As the end of the Cold War diminished the ideological divide in the region, it produced the opportunity to include Burma within ASEAN. Pragmatic concerns took precedent over ASEAN’s normative goals. [31] It emphasized intergovernmental cooperation, lending South Africa financial resources to contribute to its economic development, and repudiating the use of sanctions to punish South Africa for its government’s apartheid policy. The five founding members of ASEAN (Tha… The Struggle for National Identity, Edited by Lowell Dittmer (River Edge, New Jersey: World Scientific Publishing Co., 2010): 335. The idea of constructive engagement originated during the administration of American President Ronald Reagan to describe his approach towards South Africa. [38] Antolik, “ASEAN Regional Forum,” 119. [77] Purposeful engagement would have involved more political engagement with Burma. [70] ASEAN has used political tactics to appease the U.S. and EU, including the movement from “non-interference” to “flexible engagement”. It has become the founding block for other formal and informal regional groupings such as the much-needed security community in the Asia-Pacific region, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). [48] All ASEAN members were keen to gain access to Burma’s fish, timber, gems, and cheap labor sources. It promotes the economic growth of 10 countries located south of China. The ASEAN Charter”, The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 58.1 (Jan. 2009): 198. [72] Nonetheless, over time there has been a movement away from the ASEAN Way to “flexible-consensus building”. ASEAN’s pragmatic-normative approach with Burma has included political and economic engagement. Thailand’s military was especially concerned about co-existing with a potentially hostile neighbor in Burma, and thus sought improved relations with Burma’s junta. Alternative Title: Association of Southeast Asian Nations. [40] Constructive engagement was strategic “to counter China’s expansionist influence in Burma and in the region generally.”[41] By encouraging economic and political investment in Burma, ASEAN members believed that this would steadily mitigate Burma’s dependency on China for its own day-to-day existence. Since 1994, Canada has used a form of constructive engagement with Cuba. [69] ASEAN has taken such criticism quite seriously because of the adverse economic ramifications of not being viewed as a credible regional environment. Improved intra-regional tourism, investment, and trade would encourage the development of infrastructure, especially in underdeveloped and rural areas of the country. [71] A.H. Somjee, Political Capacity in Developing Societies (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1982). While some of the norms of ASEAN are norms embodied in international society (for example sovereignty and non-intervention), they are not conceptualized in the same way. [15] Michael Antolik, “The ASEAN Regional Forum: The Spirit of Constructive Engagement,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 16.2 (1994): 124. [21] Stephen McCarthy, “Chapter 12: Burma and ASEAN: A Marriage of Inconvenience,” in Burma or Myanmar? This approach was favored by Western countries and by various Burmese pro-democratic and ethnic groups. [58] Indonesia’s President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called for a ceasefire and the resolution of the civil war through peaceful dialogue. Yet, this would have risked Burma rejecting membership in ASEAN in the first place. At the same time, ASEAN member states were not overly concerned with stressing Burma’s democratic development given that many rated poorly on most democratic and human development indicators themselves. Based on this multi-layered regional organization, this article explores the concept of “constructive engagement” and how ASEAN utilized it in a more nuanced manner to engage Burma’s military junta. [17] Burma’s intentions behind gaining membership were realist and liberal. Politically, ASEAN has been cautious not to meddle in Burma’s domestic affairs. [56] While more effective humanitarian intervention is, arguably, becoming more common in lieu of egregious human rights violations such as mass genocide, ASEAN member states hold sovereignty and non-intervention as paramount to the preservation of their long inter-state peace. The ASEAN Way (bahasa Indonesia: Jalan ASEAN) adalah himne yang menjadi simbol Perhimpunan Bangsa-bangsa Asia Tenggara (ASEAN). Thailand, which borders Burma, intended to quell serious border problems and eliminate the drug trade between the two countries. Integration involving more members in a potential free trade area would provide greater benefits to the Southeast Asia region. [8] A.H. Somjee and Gita Somjee, Development Success in Asia-Pacific (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993), 3. [26] When the West began to isolate Burma after 1988, China’s perception of Burma changed. The Role of Global Middle Powers, (Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2012): 3. [43] The grand vision of a new regional order would be based on peaceful cooperation and genuine interdependence within ASEAN. [63] Accordingly, ASEAN achieved small private concessions from Burma on the release of some prisoners and minor democratic reforms. [49] Burma’s government has long extracted its energy resources to the benefit of overseas investors for greater external support. ASEAN aimed for a ‘broadening’ and ‘deepening’ of the political, economic, and social ties amongst member states and prospective members. [69] Donald M. Seekins, “Burma and U.S. Sanctions: Punishing an Authoritarian Regime,” Asian Survey 45.3 (May 2005): 450. Members avoid embarrassment that may lead to further conflict. The policy became a device that operated on two levels. The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), formed in 2015, has a combined GDP of $2.8 trillion, and is also the 3rd fastest-growing major Indo-Pacific economy in the past decade, after China and India. [74] Austria, “ASEAN Economic Community”, 70. The ASEAN Way as Direct and Indirect "Cooperation Promoter" Considering these strengths and limitations of the ASEAN Way, it can be argued that they exist at the extreme ends of a continuum. [25] Joseph Tan, Singapore’s Foreign Direct Investment in Indochina and Myanmar: Opportunities and Challenges, (New Delhi, Research and Information System for the Non-Aligned and Other Developing Countries, 1997): 5-6. Such relationships could be conducted as Burma was invited as an observer to ASEAN meetings before it became a full member. It is characterized by an informal and personal approach that aims at conflict prevention and is often not carried out in public. Through non-interference in the internal affairs of other member states, members can avoid further aggravating internal tensions to prevent disputes from escalating in to wider inter-state conflicts. [27] Hongwei Fan, “China-Burma Geopolitical Relations in the Cold War,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31.1 (Apr. We also have seen ASEAN voice its concern over China’s activities in the South China Sea, supported by many in those same Western countries. By Logan Masilamani and Jimmy Peterson | Oct 15, 2014 | Asia Pacific, Essays | 0 |. “These norms of consensus and noninterference have in… ASEAN has long argued constructive engagement is rational, accounting for existing realities and inducing political change in a controlled, manageable fashion. A united Southeast Asia could assist in maintaining a regional balance of power more favorable to ASEAN member states. In 1997, the SLORC changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). The first of the four characteristics of the ASEAN Way was the adoption of the Westphalian idea of recognition of state sovereignty and the principle of non-interference and non-support for forces fighting governments of other East Asian nations. Even today, thirty-four years after its founding, ASEAN adheres to the evolutionary approach, relying largely on patient consensus-building to arrive at informal understandings or loose agreements. [38] Geo-political power changes influenced the practical nature of this policy tool. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is now a multi-faceted regional organization that comprises ten member states: Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Brunei, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Burma. ASEAN’s 1967 security doctrine asserted that Southeast Asia should be “capable of addressing itself to the outside world… in terms of its own aspirations rather in terms of major power rivalry and contention”. Andrew Parker Parker says the region is witnessing the fastest, largest and most sustained rise in incomes in human history. ASEAN is chaired by an annually rotating presidency assisted by a secretariatbased in Jakarta, Indonesia. The main thrust of the paper is not to justify whether constructive engagement has been a success or failure. [57] These relatively young post-colonial states hold on tightly to their newfound sovereignty with their colonial pasts still fresh in peoples’ memories. [76] McCarthy, “Ten Years of Chaos,” 259. [4] Based on the limited mandate outlined in its 1967 charter, ASEAN has fulfilled an important role. The political element was more consistent with the intricacies and principles of ASEAN’s organizational structure, and was influenced by external pressure from Western countries. [17] James, “Myanmar’s International Relations Strategy,” 530-553. 5, 2011, accessed May 12, 2013 http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/archive/turkey-indonesia-call-for-ceasefire-in-libya/433604/. In a climate where stability is linked to economic growth, imposing political change in Burma’s military-dominated environment would have run counter to the ASEAN Way. [52] Mya Than, “ASEAN, Indo-China and Myanmar: Towards Economic Co-operation?” ASEAN Economic Bulletin, 8.2 (Nov. 1991): 192. [28] India emphasized its “economic, strategic and security considerations” over an idealistic concern of pushing Burma towards political liberalization. Most members have vestiges of weak political capacity.[71]. Suu Kyi remained under house arrest for nearly 15 years for allegedly endangering the state. Logan Masilamani is a professor of political science who teaches Southeast Asian politics and international relations at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, Canada. But there is no authentic definition of that ASEAN Way. Firstly, it acted as a rhetorical device that ASEAN used to show the international community that it was taking some action on Burma. [11] The NLD was barely allowed to function over the next two decades. This is the regional anthem of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) named the ASEAN way. [77] Ott is describing the kind of engagement that United States now practices with China, and what Madeline Albright, in her July 1999 address to ASEAN foreign ministers in Singapore, called “purposeful engagement.” Cited in McCarthy, “Ten Years of Chaos,” 259. [5] Mark Rolls, “Centrality and Continuity: ASEAN and Regional Security Since 1967,” East Asia 29.2 (2012): 127. [35] Harsh rhetoric, sanctions, and boycotts would undermine progressive development. [16] Robin Ramacharan, “ASEAN and Non-interference: A Principle Maintained,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 22.1 (2000): 63. This special political style is proudly known as the "ASEAN way." [68] Kent Wiedemann, “U.S. [37] Maintaining its goals of economic development and stability in Burma and in the greater East Asian region, ASEAN utilized constructive engagement as the US presence in Asia was declining. [30] “Burma Leader Expects Silence from India Visit,” BBC World News, July 26, 2010, accessed May 12, 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-10762179. [53] Hugh Tinker, “Search for the History of Southeast Asia,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 11.2 (Sep. 1980): 368-382. 27 States– Australia, Bangladesh, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Canada, China, European Union, India, Indonesia, Japan, Democratic Peoples’ Republic of Korea, Republic of Korea, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Mongolia, New Zealand, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Russian Federation, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Timor Leste, United States… It emphasises heavily on consultation and consensus-building, which later inspired the introduction of other forms of political co-operation, like the Treaty of Amity and Co-operation (TAC). Although it does not yet hold international legal status and has become more contested since the international intervention in Libya in 2011,[55] the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has gradually matured as a concept in political, organization, and institutional terms since its endorsement by over 150 states at the World Summit in 2005. Furthermore, the ASEAN legal framework involving the ASEAN Declaration of 1967, the Zone of Peace Freedom and Neutrality Declaration (ZOPFAN) of 1971, and the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) of 1976 accords ASEAN the privilege of using this framework as a hardened mandate not to interfere in the political matters of Burma. [7] Stephen McCarthy, “Burma and ASEAN: Estranged Bedfellows,” Asian Survey 48.6 (2008): 917. This consensus-driven, non-confrontational model of decision-making allows countries to … Local wages can be as low as $20 to $30 a month, compared to $200 a month in neighboring Thailand. [45] Burma’s rich resource-base is critical. ASEAN has reduced security competition among its members and contributed to a more stable order in Southeast Asia. [12] Although she is now a Member of Parliament and leader of the Opposition NLD. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is now a multi-faceted regional organization that comprises ten member states: Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Brunei, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Burma. [64] Economic sanctions were believed to be counter-productive and most detrimental to poorer Burmese citizens, rather than the junta.[65]. [67] This pragmatism attempts to avoid getting locked down in monotonous procedural debates and focuses on a broad range of issues. This strong international pressure shifted the conversation within ASEAN to examining which types of economic engagement were appropriate within the constructive engagement strategy. Its primary mandate was to establish greater economic, political, and cultural contacts among its member countries. ‘Broadening’ refers to an expansion in the number of members, while ‘deepening’ refers to the building of a stronger institutional order, which undertakes greater responsibility for enhanced regional cooperation. [6] Nonetheless, expansion also brought to the forefront complex challenges. However, U.S. government officials often posited that ASEAN’s political engagement was ineffective in regards to enhancing the human rights and democratic situation in Burma. Constructive engagement encouraged a more private and gradual change to apartheid without attempting to embarrass and alienate the country. [4] Carlyle A. Thayer, “ASEAN: From Constructive Engagement to Flexible Intervention,” Harvard Asia Pacific Review, 1999, http://www.pol.adfa.edu.au/resources/asean.html. [50] Peter John Perry, “Military Rule in Burma: A Geographical Analysis,” Crime, Law and Social Change 19.1 (Jan. 1993): 27. [29] C. S. Kuppuswamy, “Myanmar: Visit of the Indian President,” South Asia Analysis Group, 1732.13 (2006). The ARF provides for a consultative process that recognizes the benefits of constructive engagement, which includes both political stability and economic development. This commitment is enshrined in the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation of 1976. [53] The term gained prominence with the establishment of a Southeast Asia military command by the Allied forces during the Second World War. [67] Antolik, “ASEAN Regional Forum,” 118. This site uses cookies to deliver a better user experience. [27] After losing its importance in the Cold War as a buffer state following the U.S.-China rapprochement in 1972, China began to see Burma as a door to the Indian Ocean with untapped natural resources. This video is not meaning so much, hahaha. [54] Shaun Narine, “ASEAN and the ARF: The Limits of the ‘ASEAN Way’,” Asian Survey 37.10 (1997): 964. ASEAN is the Association of South East Asian Nations. [23] Having credibility within ASEAN could strengthen its hold on power and help deflect criticisms about its record on human rights. Secondly, because of the political space afforded by the notion of constructive engagement, ASEAN was able to pursue its pragmatic goals in Burma through economic engagement. [22] Simultaneously, the government viewed membership as a means to acquire further political leverage. Instead, it is to account for the structural and functional dynamics of constructive engagement as a foreign policy tool within the ASEAN context. The Chinese established oil and gas pipelines, railroads, highways, and infrastructure in Burma throughout the 1990s and 2000s. ASEAN added five countries in the decade, recognizing that there was a small window of opportunity to add other Southeast Asian states in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War’s end. [47] Thailand viewed Burma’s natural gas supply as an answer to its potential energy crisis. 2010, http://www.burmawatch.org/aboutburma.html. Guidelines on the Use of the ASEAN Anthem. Yet, as years go by, the Asean Way is proving to be a primary obstacle rather than an enabler of deeper regional integration. culture of non -interference, quiet diplomacy and sovereign equality to solve disputes and. Which is likely why most thought the group a “lame” body. [9] “Some Background Information on Burma,” last modified Mar. Non-interference is respected by ASEAN member states that have themselves had difficulty undergoing genuine democratic reforms. The normative agenda of indirect political liberalization and democratization became secondary within ASEAN’s notion of constructive engagement. The ASEAN Anthem is under the copyright of ASEAN with the ASEAN Secretariat as the main body to oversee its … 10 States― Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. [49] G. Eisenstodt, “On the Road to Mandalay,” Forbes 157.2.22, Jan. 1996. In the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervention in Libya in 2011, Indonesia “stressed the importance of the preservation of the sovereignty, national unity, and territorial integrity of Libya”. Constructive engagement was more consistent with ASEAN’s traditionalist interpretation of the concept of sovereignty and its incremental and limited ASEAN Way. ASEAN takes a more stringent interpretation of the UN Charter’s principles on the inviolability of state sovereignty and non-intervention. Because the change in name has no direct implication to the control of the military over the country, the regime may be referred to in this paper as both the SLORC or SPDC. Constructive engagement implied that states with conflicts of interests were committed to consultation. By 1997, Burma was put under full sanctions and all new US foreign direct investment (FDI) was prohibited from entering; the European Union (EU) also placed restrictions on Burma such as an arms embargo and the freezing of senior military members’ assets. [75]Ambassador Surapong Jayanama, “Asean’s Constructive Engagement not for Burmese People,” Mizzima News, Feb. 2006. Some policymakers and scholars argued that ASEAN should have used “purposeful engagement”. [22] Ong Keng Yong, “Chapter 14: ASEAN Economic Integration: The Strategic Imperative,” in ASEAN Matters: Reflecting on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Edited by Yoong Yoong Lee (River Edge, New Jersey: WSPC/Others, 2011): 89.

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